An analysis of the situation in Iran from an anarchist communist perspective.
After the “moderate” cleric Hassan
Rouhani was re-elected in the Iranian presidential elections of 2017 his regime
which had been pushing neo-liberal ideas continued on the same course. The public health service has been slashed so
much it hardly exists, and job and workplace security have gone. Many jobs are
now precarious (short-term contracts etc.) whilst the professionals-doctors,
technicians, etc. have seen their living standards pushed down drastically.
Whilst the capital Tehran has been allowed to grow, many regional cities and
towns have seen conditions deteriorate, and the same goes for provision to the
various ethnic groups within Iran.
Many people have been forced to cut
back drastically on foodstuffs they had previously considered as essential (dairy
and meat products). Unemployment is rampant. There is a whole swathe of young
people born in the 1980s, many of whom are college and university graduates who
have not been able to get jobs, or if they have are earning very low wages.
Unemployment runs at 40% or more among young people.
The past year has seen a number of
low-key and little reported demonstrations, rallies and sit-ins. These include
bus drivers supporting their independent organisations, pensioners protesting
against increasing attacks on their allowances, teachers and nurses protesting
against their conditions, and students opposing the privatisation of education.
Rouhani pushed a new plan for unpaid
internships which was strongly opposed by students. A leading activist among
the bus drivers was imprisoned and treated appallingly.
This situation was aggravated by the
earthquake of November 12th.
Those who survived were treated contemptuously by officials which
brought a wave of widespread disgust amongst the Iranian population. This was
further aggravated by the annual budget announcement of the Rouhani regime. Damage
from the earthquakes ran at $600 million but the government failed to provide a
reconstruction programme, leaving this up to donations from individuals! On the
other hand various propaganda bodies of the regime received a budget of $15.
Fuel prices were increased by 50%. No funds were provided for state
construction programmes.
In addition to this there was a growing
awareness of widespread corruption and embezzlement among officials of the
regime.
Matters came to a head with the first
protest in Iran’s second city Mashdad on December 28th. This city is a
stronghold of the mullahs and has been a tax haven for the regime’s
functionaries. At the same time has seen a huge growth of slum areas.
It seems that the initial Mashdad
protest was set off by fundamentalists of the political establishment opposed
to Rouhani’s “reformist” line- that is in
opposition to his opening up Iran to foreign investment and a comparatively
softer line to the West. However the protests quickly spread from Mashdad to
other towns and cities and took on a different character. Heavily involved in
the protests were many young people, those between the ages of fifteen and
thirty, with no jobs and no job prospects or in precarious work
situations. The protests centred on
economic conditions, the corruption of the elite and the budget. Initial
slogans of “Down with high prices!” were soon supplemented by “Down with the
dictator” and “Death to Khamenei”- Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of Iran. In
addition many were concerned about the regime’s involvement in armed
intervention in Syria and Iraq. This attempt by the regime to increase its influence
in the region has resulted in growing anger about not just lives expended in
these ventures but vast amounts spent on wars whilst poverty and unemployment
increase dramatically at home. This resulted in another slogan chanted on the
streets:” Forget about Syria- think about us!”
Another factor at play has been the
threat of climate change with drought severely affecting crops. Two summers
ago, the oil town of Bandar-e Mahshahr experienced a temperature of 163 degrees
Fahrenheit. It is predicted that if worldwide emissions are not reduced
drastically then by 2070 the Persian
Gulf could experience temperatures impossible or humans to survive.
But the protests have been riddled
with contradictions with politicians pushing bourgeois democracy attempting to
hijack the protests, as well as supporters of the overthrown Shah and various
reactionary religious currents. This was countered by many among the youth
taking part in the protests. Reactionary slogans that appeared like “Neither
Gaza nor Lebanon, I will die only for Iran” and “We are Aryans, we don’t worship Arabs” were
countered with “From Gaza to Iran, down with the exploiters”. Other slogans
referred to the setting up of people’s councils and against the false division
between reformist and fundamentalist tendencies of the regime.
Tens of thousands have taken part in
protests and at least twenty one have been killed by the brutal security
forces, and many arrested. The regime claimed victory, with General Mohammad
Ali Jafari, leader of the Revolutionary Guards, a paramilitary force that has
kept the regime in power for decades, saying “Today we announce the end of the
sedition”. However, since then protests have continued to break out.
The regime has attempted to blame the
protests are being managed by the USA and its regional allies Israel and Saudi
Arabia. Indeed Trump has tweeted his “support” for the protestors. The
emergence of the Iranian working class in these protests contradicts all of
this. Trump has overseen the rich in the United States being rewarded with huge
tax cuts. To pay for this means huge attacks on health care, social security
and other welfare benefits. And of course there are the many allegations of
corruption against the Trump regime. How different is the situation for
American workers from that of Iranian workers?
Similarly Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has praised the protestors.
Again, how different is the situation of workers within the Israeli state when
thousands have protested there against the corruption of the Netanyahu
administration at the same time as the protests in Iran?
We also have “anti-imperialist”
leftists chiming in, especially in the USA, implying the protests are
manipulated by the CIA and tacitly supporting the theocratic regime in Iran.
For ourselves, as anarchist
communists, we support the developing protests of the working class in Iran.
Repression may temporarily stop this movement but it is a sign of the working
class re-asserting itself as crises continue in all the political institutions
around the world, including within the left parties. The 2008 financial crisis
resulted in massive attacks on the working class around the world, attacks on
pensions and social benefits, the slashing of public services, increasing
divisions between rich and poor and a constant threat of war. Now these
pressures are resulting in re-emerging revolts.
Finally, the 1979 revolution in Iran
which overthrew the Shah saw huge demonstrations, the occupation of factories
and the development of workers’ councils. It was thought impossible that such a
heavily armed regime as that of the Shah could be overthrown, yet it happened. This
was betrayed by the Stalinist Tudeh party, which had great influence among the
working class. Tudeh’s decision to ally with the Shia cleric the Ayatollah
Khomeini because he was seen as a progressive leader of a democratic
revolution, enabled him to come to power. As a result Tudeh was silenced as
were all left and progressive groups. The strong secular traditions in Iran
were smothered. Khomeini recuperated some of the demands of the 1979 Revolution
with pseudo-socialist rhetoric whilst at the same time calling for national
unity and creating illusions in the common interests of the rich and poor.
Ayatollah Khomeini was a misogynist
of the first order. The Family Protection Law enacted under the Shah’s regime
was suspended and women once more were at the mercy of men within the family. The
Islamic dress code was imposed on women including girls from the first grade in
school. At first pushing for population growth, the regime later reversed this
policy and brought in a highly successful family planning programme, which
resulted in Iran having the lowest population growth in the region. The regime
reversed this again when it cut off funding to the programme in 2012.
The marriage age for girls was
reduced to puberty, the age of nine under Islamic law. Punishments of flogging,
stoning and payment of blood money were introduced in 1981 for crimes like
adultery and violation of the Islamic dress code.
Government funded day centres were
closed down, making it difficult to stay in work.
Women had played an important role in the 1979
Revolution. Khomeini used cooption to tame this development. Women’s right to
vote was retained as was right to run in elections and women served in
government positions at a national and local level. However they were often
demoted or dismissed or given early retirement from these positions.
During the first ten years of the
theocratic regime, women in work fell from 13% of the population to 8.6%. The
Iran –Iraq war meant that women came forward as nurses, doctors and in other
support roles. Rafsanjani, one of the founders of the regime was able to
mobilise women’s votes and portrayed himself as a comparative liberal as
regards women’s rights. It was he who installed the family planning programme.
These policies were continued under the next president Mohammad Khatami. With
the coming to power of Ahmadinejad these trends were reversed. The family
planning programme was closed down.
Under Rouhani a loosening of
attitudes as regards dress code was allowed, but this was against the move by
security forces to clamp down on any development of feminism. But now women are
involving themselves in the protests. One brave woman removed her hijab during
a recent protest and waved it around on a stick to protest the dress code. We
hope this is a sign of things to come. A successful revolution in Iran depends
utterly on the role of women within it. The liberation of women must be a major
motif of that revolution.
The rule by mullahs has lasted almost four
decades. It rests primarily on the subjection of women and of the working
class. Next time the working class moves into action in Iran it has to sweep
away the mullahs, be they “fundamentalist” or “reformist”.